Newsletter
No. 160
January 15, 2006
JAPAN’S NEW NATIONAL
ENERGY STRATEGY
Asia Times Online has
produced another article of interest. This time the author is
Masaki Hisane, a former Japan Times journalist who
has been very prolific of late.
Some of the points made in Hisane’s
article will be familiar to Shingetsu Newsletter readers, but
he adds some new information that deserves comment.
First of all, Hisane suggests
that METI was a prime mover behind the recent merger between
Inpex and Teikoku Oil (see Shingetsu Newsletter No. 111).
While that may seem unsurprising in hindsight, it was not something
that was mentioned in the press at that time.
More signicantly, Hisane reveals
that Tokyo’s New National Energy Strategy will call for
domestic oil companies to raise their upstream oil share from
15% to 40% of the domestic Japanese market within 25 years.
If Japan is serious about expanding “Hinomaru Oil,”
then it certainly means that Japanese companies will be more
aggressive about pursuing oil development rights around the
world. We should expect more deals like the ones we have recently
observed in Libya, Egypt, and elsewhere. This also suggests
that Japan will tenaciously defend its Azadegan deal in Iran,
and perhaps, later on, make strong bids for Iraqi oil as well
(for the Arabian Oil Company’s moves in Iraq, see Shingetsu
Newsletter No. 15).
Japan’s New National Energy Strategy
By Masaki Hisane
TOKYO - Resource-poor Japan
is barreling ahead to rev up its energy security, driven by
the specter of another oil crisis, the global rush for energy
resources and a simmering gas dispute with China.
Japan's Ministry of Economy,
Trade and Industry (METI) plans to release publicly the outline
of the nation's new energy strategy as early as next month and
will ask an advisory panel to Minister Toshihiro Nikai to flesh
out the details before formalizing it by June.
The New National Energy Strategy,
the draft outline of which was made known recently, is expected
to call for, among other things, reduction in the oil-dependency
rate to 40% or less by 2030 from the current 50%, promotion
of nuclear energy, and securing of energy resources abroad through
the fostering of more powerful energy companies.
Apparently in tandem with the
new government energy-security policy being drawn up, the nation's
controversial nuclear-fuel-cycle policy has entered a new phase.
Recently, the government unveiled a plan to construct a new
1 trillion yen (US$8.7 billion) fast-breeder reactor, and domestic
power firms also announced their plutonium utilization plans
ahead of the start of a key test operation next month to extract
plutonium at a spent-nuclear-fuel reprocessing facility. In
another important development, Inpex Corp and Teikoku Oil Co,
Japan's No 1 and No 3 oil developers, will integrate their operations
under a joint holding company in April in a bid to survive cutthroat
competition on the global scene.
These Japanese moves toward
greater energy security come amid growing concerns about whether
the nation will be able to ensure stable oil and other energy
supplies to fuel its economy, the world's second-largest. Crude-oil
prices are stuck at about $60 per barrel in world markets, although
they remain well below the historic peak of $70 reached in late
August.
Amid the stubbornly high oil
prices, the global competition for oil reserves is intensifying.
This rush for oil reserves is being driven by China and India,
which both desperately need stable oil and energy supplies to
power their booming economies. New sources of energy have turned
into new sources of potential tension and conflict, as being
exemplified in East Asia by the gas dispute between Tokyo and
Beijing in disputed waters in the East China Sea.
Japan relies on imports for
almost all of its oil, of which nearly 90% now comes from the
politically volatile Middle East. Inevitably, last year's spike
in oil prices posed a threat to the country's economy. Another
oil crisis similar to the two of the 1970s -- in 1973 and 1979
-- would be a nightmare scenario for the energy-strapped country.
After the first oil crisis, panicked Japanese consumers rushed
to stock up on toilet tissue and detergent, among other goods.
As a result of that crisis, the Japanese economy experienced
its first negative growth since the end of World War II in 1974
after years of high-flying growth from the early 1960s. Japan
survived the two oil crises through strenuous energy-saving
efforts and technological innovations. The oil crises are commonly
remembered as "oil shocks" by the Japanese people.
Today, Japan's economy is among
the world's most energy-efficient. According to one estimate,
the nation now needs 55 kiloliters of crude oil -- nearly half
the 106 kiloliters it did in 1980 -- to generate 100 million
yen in gross domestic product (GDP). Japan now has sufficient
oil reserves, worth 170 days of supply. A stronger yen, which
makes imports cheaper, also plays a significant role in fending
off the negative impact of a sharp surge in oil prices. In 1980,
when oil prices broke through $40 per barrel, the yen traded
in the 202-264 yen range against the US dollar. But the yen
is now quoted at about 106 against the greenback.
To be sure, Japan's economy
is much more resilient to high oil prices than it was during
the two oil crises of the 1970s. But Japan cannot feel safe
and secure in the medium and long term. In addition to speculative
trading and weather conditions, world oil prices have stayed
high -- and are expected to do so throughout the year and beyond
-- because of structural factors that will not change overnight.
Among those structural factors are sharply rising demand in
Asia, led by China and India, the world's two most populous
countries, as well as limited spare production capacity of the
Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). The International
Energy Agency (IEA) estimates that global demand for energy
will rise by 60% in 2030 from this year. World petroleum production
is predicted to peak in 2010 at the earliest and in 2040 in
a more optimistic forecast.
The New National Energy Strategy
calls for stepped-up energy-saving efforts and the development
of energy-saving technologies to cut the ratio of energy consumption
to GDP by 30% by 2030 to ensure the nation will have a stable
energy supply amid intensifying competition for energy resources.
This goal is far from a cakewalk, however. Japan's ratio of
primary energy consumption to GDP is already the world's lowest
after improving 30% over the past three decades because of conservation
measures spurred by the oil crises of the 1970s. The new strategy
is also expected to call for lowering Japan's dependence on
oil as a primary energy source from the current 50% to 40% or
less by 2030 through promotion of alternative energy sources
such as solar and wind power.
Going More Nuclear
The strategy is expected to
call for raising the percentage of nuclear power in the total
national electricity supply from the current 30% to between
30% and 40% or more in 2030 and also establishing a nuclear
fuel cycle. In late October, the Atomic Energy Commission of
Japan, the highest nuclear decision-making body affiliated with
the cabinet, also adopted a long-term nuclear plan maintaining
the nation's nuclear fuel cycle program, which reprocesses all
the spent nuclear fuel to extract plutonium for future use as
nuclear fuel. A fast-breeder reactor (FBR), which produces more
fissile material than it consumes, is central to the nuclear-fuel
cycle.
The prototype Monju FBR in Tsuruga,
in the central prefecture of Fukui, has remained shut down since
a sodium leak and subsequent fire in December 1995. The operator,
the Power Reactor and Nuclear Fuel Development Corp (Donen),
had tried to cover up the extent of the accident.
The semi-governmental Japan
Atomic Energy Agency, which was created in October through the
merger of Donen's successor body, the Japan Nuclear Cycle Development
Institute (JNC), and the Japan Atomic Energy Research Institute,
has recently started preparing Monju with an eye toward resuming
full operations, although local residents remain concerned about
safety. Fukui Governor Issei Nishikawa has said local citizens
must be convinced of the safety at Monju before he gives the
go-ahead.
Furthermore, the METI-affiliated
Agency for Natural Resources and Energy unveiled a plan late
last month to build a new, far more technologically advanced
and efficient FBR by about 2030 at a cost of 1 trillion yen
to replace Monju. The new FBR would also be used as a model
reactor for about a decade and then commercialized to replace
light-water reactors from about 2050.
At the same time the agency
also disclosed a plan to work toward the development and construction
of a second spent-nuclear-fuel reprocessing facility by about
2045 to produce uranium-plutonium mixed oxide fuel (MOX) for
use at the new FBR. The current one in the village of Rokkasho,
in the northeastern prefecture of Aomori, is slated to end operations
by about 2045.
Also, the so-called pluthermal
(using plutonium in commercial, or thermal, nuclear power plants)
power-generation project will next month enter a new phase toward
its realization when Japan Nuclear Fuel Ltd., which runs the
Rokkasho facility, will start a test operation to extract plutonium
so that element can be produced as early as this spring. The
project will burn MOX fuel at light-water reactors. The Rokkasho
plant is scheduled to come into commercial operation next year.
According to plans released
this month by 11 Japanese power companies, as much as 6.5 tons
of plutonium will be consumed annually at nuclear plants after
the pluthermal power-generation project gets under way. The
Federation of Electric Power Companies of Japan plans to get
pluthermal power generation under way at 16 or 18 power plants
by the end of fiscal 2010. The companies said they plan first
to use plutonium produced overseas, such as in Britain and France,
at the pluthermal plants and start using domestically produced
plutonium in 2012 or later.
The companies' plans fall short
of providing concrete figures to convince critics that the nation
will consume all the plutonium it keeps and produces for peaceful
purposes. Moreover, none of the companies have received final
consent yet from local communities expected to host the pluthermal
plants about their plans because of lingering uncertainties
over details. The companies plan to obtain a combined 1.6 tons
of plutonium to be reprocessed from spent nuclear fuel at the
Rokkasho plant by the end of fiscal 2006. Japan Nuclear Fuel
envisages the plant producing more than 4 tons of plutonium
at full operation annually in the future. The Japanese power
companies currently keep a total of about 30 tons of plutonium
reprocessed in Britain and France, an amount they say can be
burned at the pluthermal plants within about 15 years.
Pluthermal burning was devised
to consume surplus plutonium that resulted from the reprocessing
of spent nuclear fuel. Because of the stoppage of the Monju
fast-breeder reactor and the slow progress in pluthermal project,
Japan's stockpile of plutonium has been increasing. With nuclear
non-proliferation emerging as a grave global issue, Japan could
be viewed by other countries with suspicion. While being the
only country to have suffered the scourge of atomic bombs --
during World War II at the hands of the US -- and also being
a non-nuclear-weapon state, Japan is the only member of the
nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) to be permitted both
to enrich uranium and reprocess spent nuclear fuel for peaceful
civilian purposes.
International Atomic Energy
Agency (IAEA) director general Mohamed ElBaradei has proposed
that new reprocessing facilities be placed under international
control to ease proliferation concerns. But the Japanese government's
position is that even though the Rokkasho facility has yet to
go into operation, it is an existing facility and therefore
outside the scope of ElBaradei's proposals.
US President George W Bush has
advocated a similar international nuclear-management initiative
of his own, and Japan is leaning toward joining it.
Japan also sees promotion of
nuclear energy as crucial if it is to slash carbon dioxide and
other greenhouse gases widely blamed for global warming. Japan
is obliged by the 1997 Kyoto protocol to reduce such gases by
6% from 1990 levels by 2012. Many of the nation's 54 nuclear
power plants are now 20-30 years old but won't be replaced by
new ones until about 2030. Increasing the share of electricity
produced by nuclear reactors to 40%, for example, will place
great strain on older reactors. To increase the operation rate
of such reactors while ensuring their safe operation will be
a great challenge.
It also remains to be seen whether
Japanese power companies, facing tougher competition as well
as damaged public confidence in nuclear-plant safety in the
wake of a spate of accidents and other problems -- and their
cover-ups -- will be able to build new plants to replace the
aging ones in the future.
When crude-oil prices remained
low in the 1990s, the government went ahead with deregulation,
such as liberalization of the electricity market, which resulted
in lower electricity prices. But this deregulation weakened
the financial strength of power companies, raising concerns
about whether they have sufficient funds to invest in nuclear-power
development. It may even be possible that the government will
be forced to reverse its deregulation policy.
More ‘Hinomaru Oil’
The New National Energy Strategy
is expected to call for increasing the ratio of "Hinomaru
oil," or oil developed and imported through domestic producers,
from the current 15% to 40% by 2030. To achieve that goal, the
new strategy emphasizes the need to foster Japanese oil majors
that can compete with foreign rivals.
The planned operational integration
of Inpex and Teikoku Oil under a joint holding company in April
is in line with the new national strategy. There is no doubt
that METI, which owns 36% of Inpex, has played a key role in
the marriage of the two oil developers in the hope of fostering
a more powerful entity to compete better with foreign rivals.
Inpex had merged with another government-affiliated firm, Japan
Oil Development Co, in 2004. Teikoku Oil was also originally
established by the government.
As the global resource boom
continues, the increasingly tough competition among oil and
gas developers worldwide shows no sign of abating. Energy-hungry
China and India are fueling the rush for the world's oil and
other energy reserves. China became a net importer of crude
oil in 1993 and superseded Japan as the world's second-largest
oil consumer after the United States in 2003. China now depends
on imports for more than 40% of its oil. Meanwhile, India imports
about 70% of its oil. The ratio of the two countries' dependence
on imported oil is expected to keep rising. This prospect has
prompted Japan to begin to help other Asian countries build
oil reserves through technical assistance.
China's aggressiveness in the
global oil market drew particularly widespread attention last
summer when China National Offshore Oil Corp (CNOOC) launched
a takeover bid for US oil and gas firm Unocal. CNOOC eventually
gave up the bid in the face of strong opposition from American
politicians, and another US firm, Chevron, took over the smaller
rival.
Still, China has got its hands
on many foreign oil deposits in the past year or two.
Chinese oil firms took over
Canada-based companies PetroKazakhstan, whose operations are
based in Kazakhstan, and Encana Corp's oil and pipeline interests
in Ecuador. China also won oil interests off the coast of Angola
after wooing the African country with an extension of a $2 billion
credit line. China outbid India in all three cases. China and
Kazakhstan also inaugurated a 1,000-kilometer oil pipeline last
month to supply Kazakh oil to western China.
CNOOC announced this week the
$2.27 billion purchase of a 45% stake in the Akpo offshore oil-and-gas
field in Nigeria. India's largest oil and gas company, Oil &
Natural Gas Corp (ONGC), suffered misfortune. Its international-exploration
subsidiary, ONGC Videsh Ltd, won the bidding for the field in
December, but the purchase was blocked by the Indian government,
which contended that the bid of more than $2 billion wasn't
commercially viable.
Late last month, a joint venture
between ONGC and China National Petroleum Corp (CNPC) emerged
as the winning bidder for Alberta-based Petro-Canada's oil-producing
assets in Syria, acquiring a 38% stake in the Al Furat oilfield,
in what is seen by analysts as heralding the beginning of cooperation
between Beijing and New Delhi in securing energy supplies to
fuel their booming economies.
China does not seem to be fussy
about where its oil comes from. It gets oil in Sudan despite
the international uproar over the Darfur crisis. In moves that
have raised eyebrows in Washington, China has strengthened ties
in the past few years with staunchly anti-US countries such
as Cuba, Venezuela, Iran and Myanmar. Cuba agreed to let China
explore its coastal oilfields. Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez
offered Chinese firms operating rights to mature oilfields.
China signed an agreement to buy oil and gas from Iran and to
develop that country's Yadavaran oilfield. India also plans
to receive gas from Iran under a proposed $6 billion pipeline
project via Pakistan.
China has also strengthened
political and military as well as economic relations with Myanmar
in defiance of US and European sanctions against the military-ruled
Southeast Asian country. China wants to secure stable oil and
other energy supplies by land, as well as by sea, many experts
agree. Speculation is rife about the idea of building an oil
pipeline running across Myanmar to Kunming, the capital of the
Yunnan province, western China, at an estimated cost of $2 billion.
In late December, China also signed an agreement with North
Korea jointly to develop offshore oil reserves, although no
other details have been announced.
Meanwhile, competition for energy
sources has also increased tensions between China and Japan.
Tokyo and Beijing are locked in a simmering fracas over Chinese
gas projects in the disputed waters in the East China Sea near
the so-called median line, which was drawn by Japan but has
not been recognized by China. The line is meant to separate
the two countries' 200-nautical-mile exclusive economic zones
(EEZs). The disputed Senkaku Islands, or the Diaoyu Islands
in Chinese, are on the Japanese side of the median.
Last year, the Japanese government
decided to build the country's first ship designed to survey
offshore oil deposits. The government also earmarked 8.2 billion
yen in its fiscal 2006 defense budget to increase the nation's
ability to cope with submarines and armed spy ships in seas
close to Japan.
Also, the Liberal Democratic
Party-led coalition plans to introduce a bill this month in
the diet, or parliament, to create off-limits zones near structures
set up for resource exploration and development in the Japanese
EEZ. Trespassers would be punished with prison terms of up to
one year and fines worth 500,000 yen. The bill, already drafted,
is aimed at supporting Teikoku Oil, which was granted concessions
last summer to start experimental drilling in the East China
Sea, in an apparent bid to counter natural-gas exploration conducted
nearby by China.
Japan and China have also lobbied
hard for alternative routes for a pipeline from eastern Siberia's
oilfields to Pacific Rim nations. When Russian President Vladimir
Putin visited Tokyo in November, Japan failed to gain a guarantee
that Russia will give priority to building a "Pacific route"
from Taishet near Lake Baikal to Nakhodka on the Sea of Japan
coast via the halfway point at Skovorodino, near the Russia-China
border, rather than to building a "China route" heading
to Daqing, northeastern China, from Skovorodino. Putin and Japanese
Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi signed an agreement only to
accelerate talks on the Pacific route. Russian state pipeline
monopoly Transneft is building the pipeline in two stages. It
expects to finish the first stage in 2008 at Skovorodino, far
from the coast but close to China. No date has been set for
the second stage.
Japan's oil diplomacy suffered
a serious setback when Arabian Oil Co, which has strong backing
of the government, lost its right to operate in the Khafji oilfield
in the Persian Gulf -- in the Saudi-controlled portion of the
field in early 2000 and the Kuwaiti-controlled portion in early
2003. But Japan has since regained lost ground, securing oilfields
elsewhere in the Middle East.
In early 2004, Japan and Iran
signed a $3 billion deal to develop Iran's massive Azadegan
oilfield. The project is expected to pump 700,000 barrels of
oil per day by 2010.
In October, Japan scored another
coup in its oil diplomacy. Five Japanese enterprises won international
tenders to acquire the rights to develop a combined six oilfields
in Libya. The deals mark the first oil-exploration concession
ever given to Japanese firms in Libya.
Through their marriage, Inpex
and Teikoku Oil hope to become bigger players on the global
stage. The two oil developers have combined annual sales of
more than $4.7 billion. But as things stand now, the new entity
is nowhere close to becoming a powerful oil major that can match
huge US -- and even Chinese -- rivals. The new entity produces
370,000 barrels of oil per day. The new entity's production
volume is smaller than the 380,000 barrels per day pumped by
China's CNOOC. Japan still has a long way to go before making
"Hinomaru oil" rise and shine on the horizon.