Newsletter
No. 476
News-Analysis
January 3, 2007
Our
first newsletter of the year will look at two Iraq-related stories:
JAPANESE REACTIONS TO THE EXECUTION OF SADDAM HUSAIN
There
has been a rather low-key response to the execution of former
Iraqi President Saddam Husain. In fact, even the United States
produced much better and more nuanced accounts of the Iraqi
leader’s final act.
As
for the main political leaders, their statements were short
and non-committal. Said Prime Minister Abe, “Japan hopes
Iraq will turn into a stable country and will continue supporting
the country together with the international community.”
Added Foreign Minister Aso: “Japan hopes the Iraqi government
will overcome such tough issues as national reconciliation and
improvement in public order to become a stable state. Japan,
in coordination with the international community, will continue
assisting the Iraqi government's efforts” -- pretty anodyne
stuff.
However,
a MOFA spokesman went a little further: “This is a decision
made by Iraq's new government on the rule of law. We respect
it.” Rule of law? Really?
Even
the conservative Yomiuri Shinbun (!) ventured to assert
that, “We believe the execution was carried out too hastily
and was politically motivated.” Their full editorial is
provided below.
But
the Japan Times really takes the cake on this one.
Their editorial makes little mention of his trial, but contains
a much stronger than usual denunciation of the former Iraqi
president: “Hussein's rule was built upon deceit -- the
gap between his rhetoric of resistance and his pitiful surrender
was one example of the awful truth. While he cloaked his rule
in a veneer of nationalism and pan-Arabism, Hussein ruled by
sheer brute force. He tolerated no dissent and rewarded loyalty
rather than ability. The resulting fear ensured that he would
come to a bad end.”
The
Japan Times and other commentators are surely correct
to note the sheer brutality of the Husain regime. It was a bloody-minded
government that used torture and execution and even poison gas
against its real and perceived internal enemies. One can thus
make a strong case that Husain met a fitting end after all of
the killing and torturing that he and his regime carried out.
However,
mention of his “pitiful surrender” is going too
far. Say what you want about Saddam Husain, but one thing he
never lacked was courage. He hung on tightly to his Arab nationalist
beliefs long after most other Arab dictators had turned hypocrite
and cut their deals with Washington. More notably, when he was
imprisoned and then put into the hands of his enemies for execution,
he conducted himself with remarkable dignity and fortitude.
How
many of us would have broken down under all of that pressure
and pleaded for mercy? Husain never did -- even under penalty
of his life. We may fairly call him brutal and thuggish -- but
a coward he was surely not.
But
not only does the Japan Times stoop to imply that Husain
was a coward, they also provide this amusing account of his
rise to power: “Hussein was a mid-level army officer when
he seized power with several other Ba'ath party members in 1968.
Eleven years later, after working behind the scenes to purge
any suspected opposition to the regime, Hussein seized the presidency
when it became clear that he was next to be eliminated.”
What
kind of idiocy is this? How can the editors of the Japan
Times pontificate on Saddam Husain when they are clearly
ignorant even about the basic facts of his career?
First
of all, Saddam Husain was never a military officer of any kind
-- he was a civilian activist and street tough. This, in fact,
was a major political issue during the Iran-Iraq War. Also,
the president of Iraq from 1968 to 1979 was Ahmad Hasan al-Bakr
al-Tikriti, Saddam’s kinsman and ally. There is no evidence
that al-Bakr was planning to eliminate Husain. In fact, when
young Husain and his allies pushed al-Bakr aside in 1979, they
simply put him into an honorable and peaceful retirement. It
was the first time since the Iraqi Revolution of 1958 that an
ex-president was treated well and given state honors (and only
the second time that an ex-president had left the office alive!)
However, al-Bakr died in 1982 under contested circumstances.
At
any rate, there is a considerable amount of evidence that suggests
that Husain and the Bath Party rose to power in the 1960s with
the aid of the CIA. After the Iraqi Revolution of 1958, the
strongest political party in Iraq was the Iraqi Communist Party
(ICP), which was supported by most intellectuals, and had a
substantial mass following as well. It is alleged that the CIA
covertly supported the Arab nationalist Bathists in order to
chip away at ICP power. This led to the bloody 1963 coup in
which much of the ICP was physically eliminated by Bathists
and the Iraqi military. Some accounts have it that the CIA aided
this coup.
More
research needs to be done on that period, but what is incontestable
is that Washington supported Saddam Husain’s Iraq during
the Iran-Iraq War both politically and materially. The picture
of Donald Rumsfeld shaking hands with Saddam Husain is now quite
well known.

Photo: Donald Rumsfeld and Saddam Husain in December 1983
Source: Unknown
When Baghdad started using poison gas against the Iranians and
the Iraqi Kurds, the Reagan Administration knew all about it,
and said nothing. Tacitly, therefore, Washington acquiesced
in the Husain regime’s use of poison gas. It was only
after the August 1990 invasion of Kuwait that the American political
establishment suddenly “discovered” the “genocidal”
nature of the Iraqi regime.
The
point of this detour is only to make a simple but important
point: Much of the Japanese media doesn’t know the full
truth about Saddam Husain, and probably doesn’t want to
know. The editors of the Japan Times, in particular,
would do well to learn the basic facts before they draw such
decided judgments.
Saddam
Husain had his crimes to pay for -- but so do we all.
And
the history being what it is, we have little ground to get too
self-righteous about this man and his deeds.
TWO MORE YEARS FOR THE ASDF MISSION IN IRAQ?
The
Japanese government recently extended the ASDF mission in Iraq
to July 2007. The Yomiuri Shinbun has now reported
that the Abe Administration may ask for a further two-year extension
of the mission to July 2009. If the report is accurate, then
it shows that Abe still has no intention of finding the doorway
out of Iraq. But we’ll see what 2007 actually brings…
SADDAM’S
EXECUTION WON’T SOLVE IRAQ’S WOES
By the Yomiuri Shinbun
December 31, 2006
Former
Iraqi President Saddam Hussein was executed by hanging Saturday
for crimes against humanity, just four days after the appeals
court finalized the sentence handed down by the Iraqi High Tribunal.
However,
we believe the execution was carried out too hastily and was
political motivated. We need to assess how his execution will
affect the reconstruction of Iraq, which desperately needs national
reconciliation.
Saddam
ruled Iraq with an iron fist for about 30 years and maintained
stability in the country by oppressing the Shiites and Kurds.
He had been the crowning symbol of Sunni rule of the country.
His
execution might fuel the fire of sectarian conflict that has
been intensifying and threatens to tear the country apart. Because
of this, some observers predicted there would be room for political
maneuvering about the timing of sending Saddam to the gallows.
Instead, the administration of Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki,
which is dominated by Shiites, rushed the process that resulted
in Saddam's execution.
A
Major Gamble
Did
Maliki's administration try to sate the thirst for vengeance
among Shiites and Kurds in order to display its authority over
the country as the security situation threatens to spiral out
of control? Did the administration think the current situation
is so serious that it would not be affected significantly by
the fate of Saddam? Whatever the case, the execution must be
viewed as a major gamble.
Maliki's
most pressing priority is to bring about national reconciliation.
Without this, any attempt to maintain his administration and
rebuild the nation would be cut off at the knees. After Saddam's
execution, a bomb planted in a minibus killed more than 35 people
in a fish market in a mostly Shiite town south of Baghdad. The
bomb's connection with the execution was not immediately known,
but the Maliki administration must have expected that Sunnis
would intensify the offensive against his fragile administration
in retribution for Saddam's death.
A
Chance Missed?
Saddam's
trial was an excellent chance to test Iraq's fledgling democracy,
but the fairness of the trial was questioned by some observers.
Allegations of intervention by political leaders also tainted
the trial process. Iraq's new leaders, who were chosen through
democratic elections, may have squandered a prime opportunity
to leave as a precedent a democratically conducted trial of
a dictator who regularly flouted the rule of law. We also are
concerned that Saddam's execution will make it very difficult
to find out the truth about other crimes committed by his administration,
such as mass killings of Kurds and the invasion of Kuwait.
Assistance
for Iraq's reconstruction from the international community,
especially by the United States, has taken on an even greater
importance. U.S. President George W. Bush is scheduled to reveal
his new Iraq policy early next year. Forthright examinations
of Bush's past Iraqi policy are crucial to determine what its
flaws were and why it did not pan out as planned.
The
Bush administration needs to devise a flexible, effective policy
to ensure its assistance to Iraq's reconstruction achieves its
goals.