Newsletter
No. 332
Editorial-Opinion
July 19, 2006
THE
MAGNIFICENT CLARITY OF KILLING
By Michael Penn
Israel’s
over-the-top reaction to limited attacks on the Israeli military
by elements of Hamas and Lebanese Hizballah has won its share
of admirers. Rupert Murdoch’s Fox News blares
out the headline: “Israeli Warplanes Launches [sic] More
Strikes on Hezbollah Terror Stronghold.” The Conservative
Voice announces, “Iranian, Islamofascist Backed Hezbollah
Attack on Israel Really about the US.” Meanwhile, Israel’s
Arutz Sheva exults, “Syria’s Not-So-Hidden
Hand in Lebanon Struck by IDF.”
The
Rabid Right can’t quite figure out who the enemy really
is, but that the jingoist juices are flowing wildly is not a
point under dispute here.
If
it were only the usual suspects in the media that were saying
these kinds of things, then perhaps they could be dismissed
more easily, but among the most emphatic cheerleaders for the
destruction of Lebanon’s entire national infrastructure
(and not just “terrorist” bases) has been none other
than President George W. Bush.
Bush
has been kind enough to state his view of the “root cause”
of the Arab-Israeli conflict. According to his considered opinion,
the cause “is terrorism and terrorist attacks on a democratic
country.” Apparently, in The World According to Dubya,
the military occupation and economic strangulation of Palestinian
society have nothing to do with the problems over there. Rather,
Israel’s challenge is the same as the American challenge
-- they are locked in a cosmic battle between the good democracies
and the wicked terrorists, and the Axis of Evil that still stands
behind those terrorists.
And
the fact that these “terrorist” attacks were aimed
at military targets? Ignored! And the fact that Israel still
occupies the West Bank? Irrelevant! And the fact that the Bush
Administration helped push Syria out of Lebanon some time ago?
Inconvenient! The hyperbole is simply amazing: According to
Ari Shavit of the Haaretz Newspaper: “Israel is currently
waging the most just war in history.”
But
fear not! The Decider knows the cure to this global disease:
“…part of those attacks are inspired by nation states,
like Syria and Iran. And in order to be able to deal with this
crisis, the world must deal with Hizballah, with Syria, and
to continue to work to isolate Iran.” Taken literally,
Bush’s comments seem to suggest an intention to rapidly
destroy Syria in the same way as Israel is currently trying
to destroy Hizballah.
But most disturbing of all was the following philosophical observation
of the American president: “Sometimes it requires tragic
situations to help bring clarity in the international community.”
The
full monstrousness of this comment needs to be drawn out, because
it may reveal far more about the way that George Bush really
thinks than a thousand of his other public statements.
According
to Bush, “clarity in the international community”
is a positive goal, worth tremendous pain and sacrifice. But
what does he mean by the term “clarity”? What is
he driving at? Those familiar with neo-conservative ideology
will have no problem interpreting Bush’s idea here. For
the neo-conservatives, “clarity” is one of the most
important objectives of strong leadership.
In
his excellent summary of neo-conservative Timothy Lynch’s
February lecture at Chatham House, J. Sean Curtin noted that
Dr. Lynch counted “clarity” as being the first of
the three great advantages that neo-conservative ideology has
to offer:
“Clarity:
the neo-cons offer a forward-looking strategy for freedom and
fight for good in a world which they clearly divided into good
and evil. They do not indulge in the ‘fetish of complexity’
that so often leads to inaction and makes ‘experts incapable
of coming to a conclusion.’ They offer ‘solutions
not debate,’ an approach which can be described as ‘ignorance
is strength’.”
Ignorance
is strength. This Orwellian notion may appeal to the American
president especially because it allows him to imagine himself
as a “strong leader” without ever being set upon
by the ravages of reading a book. Yes, neo-conservativism offers
simplicity. Yes, it offers clear and immediate answers. But
to quote cultural critic Roger Kimball in a different context:
“What one gains is an explanation; what one loses is the
truth.”
President
Bush probably won’t lose any sleep over details like that.
After all, he doesn’t want to “micromanage”
affairs. But there are lots and lots of other people in this
world who stand to lose their lives unless something is done
to demonstrate that Bush does NOT speak for “the international
community.” After all, with 9.11 and Afghanistan and Iraq
and Palestine and now Lebanon, just how many “tragic situations”
will it take to feed this great need for “clarity”?
There are still a few of us out here -- even a few Americans
-- who don’t care to live within this cartoon-character
vision of reality. With all due respect to Timothy Lynch and
the nominal leader of my nation, the real world is indeed a
place of complexity, and most of the time there’s not
a clear-cut decision between good and evil. Moral gray areas
abound.
In
any case, I profoundly disagree with Bush’s belief that
the “root cause” of the Arab-Israeli conflict is
“terrorism.” Once upon a time, after all, the main
terrorists in that conflict were on the side of the Yishuv,
and the attacks were aimed at British soldiers and officers
of the UN, like Count Folke Bernadotte (i.e. Irgun and the Stern
Gang). Terrorism has never been a “root cause” of
conflict in that region, but rather a symptom of the deeper
political problems.
The
“root cause” of the fighting -- at this point in
time -- is the double-standard of US policy in the region. To
put it even more simply, the root cause is injustice. Muslims
take the notion of justice very, very seriously, as it is a
central value of the Islamic religion. The Old Americans used
to feel the same way. As James Madison once put it in Federalist
Paper No. 51: “Justice is the end of government.
It is the end of civil society. It has been and ever will be
pursued until it be obtained, or until liberty be lost in the
pursuit.”
Madison
was right. And today’s Washington had better understand
that Madison’s words do not simply apply to those who
hold American passports. The wisdom of Madison and his colleagues
puts the current generation of American leaders to shame --
in this, and in very many other ways.
For Tokyo, the situation is more complex. As ever, the US-Japan
Security Alliance shapes the framework of Koizumi Administration
policy. Nevertheless, Japan does have an interest in peace in
the region, and has no need to adopt a partisan stand that has
nothing to offer but unnecessary conflict and outrage.
So
far, the tilt toward the Israeli-Bush perspective has been perceptible.
As Japan’s UN Representative Shinichi Kitaoka put it:
“The Middle East has seen continuing deterioration over
the past several months. The attacks by Hizballah across the
Blue Line, the abduction of two Israeli soldiers and the ensuing
developments have further destabilized the already fragile situation
in the region, which is extremely worrying. Japan strongly condemns
the attacks by Hizballah, which are a blatant breach of relevant
Security Council resolutions, as well as the abduction of the
Israeli soldiers. We call for the immediate and unconditional
release of the soldiers.”
No
one doubts that Hizballah’s raid on northern Israel is
what preceded the massive attacks throughout Lebanon, but the
Israeli counterattack has been so ferocious that it should be
equally clear that more is going on here than simply a response
to the recent raid carried out by Hizballah. The Olmert Administration
is using this affair to carry out a much wider military and
political program that really has very little relationship to
the actual degree of threat that Hizballah poses to Israel.
Tokyo should start to show a little more savvy appreciation
of this fact, and not throw ALL of the blame on Hizballah for
the current morass. This is an act of partisanship, not statesmanship.
Below the surface, there is some blame attaching to all sides
in this conflict, as Tokyo should be fully aware by now.
At
any rate, returning to our earlier discussion, the neo-conservative
idea of “clarity” should have little appeal among
the Japanese. Much of Japanese culture is connected to the idea
of using ambiguity and subtlety to avoid direct, face-to-face
conflict. This attachment to indistinctness and a lack of definition
is at the very heart of the Japanese values of peace and cooperation.
Japanese want to be unclear, but peaceful. American neo-conservatives
(like President Bush) want clarity and eternal war.
It
would be odd for Tokyo to participate in such a project, would
it not? Massive killings may make things clearer, but they won’t
make things better.
COMMENTARY
1)
From Ben-Ami Shillony of Hebrew University on July 20, 2006:
I
was very upset by your article. Following are my comments:
For
about two months, the "Shingetsu Newsletter" has been
providing sound information, balanced analysis and serious discussion
of Middle East affairs. Then, in the last issue (No. 332, Arab-Israeli
Peace), like in a knee-jerk reaction, it jumped back to its
old, one-sided, highly biased, greatly emotional and hardly
convincing vituperations. Once again the readers are presented
with a Newsletter that looks and sounds like a propaganda sheet
of Hamas or Hizballah. Phrased in high-sounding vocabulary and
using moral arguments it looks at first glance as a serious
observation, but anyone who reads it thoroughly will immediately
discover the logical contradictions and moral weaknesses.
Like
in similar Newsletters in the old bad times, the author fully
justifies one side, in this case the Hizballah, and fully denounces
the other side, Israel, without a minimum of intellectual duty
to give consideration to both sides. He dismisses apriori any
justification of the Israeli side, and he denigrates any opinion
which differs from his own extremist views as being a "Rabid
Right." By that he convinces the reader to regard the writer's
opinions as the "Rabid Left."
This
one-sidedness is apparent in almost every sentence of the article.
The self-destructive and criminal attacks, by organizations
that the whole democratic world regards as terrorists, are described
in beautiful terms ("limited attacks by elements of Hamas
and Lebanese Hizballah"), while the Israeli response is
described as inhuman and immoral.
It
is apparent that the writer loathes Israel, the United States,
and the U.S. government. He regards whatever they do as part
of some sinister policy aimed at achieving an immoral goal.
On the other hand, he lavishes praise on the most monstrous
acts by Iran, Syria and their stooges because they are Muslim
and therefore incapable of doing wrong. Muslims, in his words,
"take the notion of justice very, very seriously."
This means that the attacks of 9/11 or in Mumbai are expressions
of justice, as are the calls of Mahmud Ahmadinejad and Shaikh
Nasralla to wipe Israel off the map. The same logical strength
is manifested in his accusation that the U.S. is to blame for
what is happening in Lebanon because it "helped push Syria
out of Lebanon."
The
assertion which I liked most in this article was that the Olmert
government is carrying out "a military and political program
that really has very little connection to the actual degree
of threat that Hizballah poses to Israel." The author does
not reveal to us what this sinister program is.
Perhaps
it is a top secret that he is not allowed to divulge, or perhaps
he has not the slightest idea what it is. He finds it difficult
to understand why moderate observers, like Ari Shavit in Haaretz,
regard Israel's war as just and proportionate. The answer is
simple. They justify the war not because they are rabid rightists
or deranged Neo-Cons, but because Israel is doing today what
it should have done a long time ago, and what the rest of the
world had to do -- that is crash self-appointed terrorist organizations
that operate outside state borders, professing to save the world
through indiscriminate bloodshed.
The
newsletter ends with a strange criticism of the Japanese government
which showed maturity and tact by trying to understand both
sides. Fortunately, the Japanese government is not going to
heed the advice of the Shingetsu Newsletter.
Please
bring these comments to the attention of the Newsletter readers.
2)
From Keiko Sakai of Tokyo University of Foreign Studies on July
21, 2006:
I
have an impression that the Japanese media does not recognize
the seriousness of the Israeli attack on Lebanon. It seems that
they perceive it as the "same old conflict between Arabs
and Israelis," or "Israel's regular war against terrorism."
But it is not, from a variety of perspectives. The current crisis
is very serious in its political effect, aside from its seriousness
from the humanitarian point of view.
In
short, this attack destroys the whole effort to incorporate
armed social forces into a legal political framework, which
seems to be the only way to tame them and transform them into
moderate political parties.
You
have to realize that all of the militias in the Middle East
(mainly based on Islamism) emerged in politically-abandoned
areas in order to compensate for the inability of the states
to protect the people and to offer social services to them;
Hizbullah started its activities from the ruins of the Israeli
invasion in 1982 and became popular among poor Shiites in the
south as the only organization which could supply a lifeline
to them. Hamas became active in supporting Palestinian communities
in the occupied territories where other political authorities
were helpless. Islamist political parties in Iraq gained their
power through mobilizing the Islamic moral system to save the
society from total anarchy after the US attack on Iraq.
What
we have witnessed recently in Lebanon, Palestine and Iraq was
a political effort to bring these social forces with militias
into the political field, and let them join elections and the
multi-party system. Hizbullah has joined elections since 1992,
the al-Sadr movement in Iraq since January 2005, and Hamas since
late 2005. Once they join the "democratic" political
system, we expected that they might shift their activities toward
the legal political field, and restrict themselves in being
involved in illegal military acts. This attempt has not been
entirely successful so far, because most of these groups have
kept their illegal military forces, but there have also been
no better options.
We
also know, from our experience, that harsh suppression by government
or international bodies against such social forces will make
them more radical and lead them to a non-negotiable stance.
Jihadists in Egypt, and many of the active members of al-Qaida
are good examples; they became more militant after they were
expelled from their homelands. Their legalization and introduction
to democratic systems is the only solution to keep them from
a decisive turn toward radicalism and violence.
Israeli
attacks on Hizbullah may put an end to this experiment. What
kind of lessons do other militias receive from Hizbullah's fate?
To be sure, the al-Sadr movement, which so far has been cooperative
with other political parties and has behaved as a political
party in the Iraqi multi-party system to some extent, will feel
less secure in its "legal" status. No Islamist party,
from now on, will say "well, it is safe to join the democratic
system in order to avoid military action."
Secondly,
it is of no benefit, even to the Israelis, to have another "failed
state" in their neighborhood. A failed state in Lebanon
will breed other radical and violent social groups and militias
to defend their communities. The only solution for better security
for the people of the region (including Israelis) is to have
strong, stable states which can provide social services to its
nationals.
What
Israel is doing is the very opposite. If Lebanon becomes a "failed
state" once again, there are numbers of militants who will
want to establish their bases there. You must remember how "terrorists"
entered Iraq and made it a center for violent activities, after
the strong centralized state was removed. Why wouldn't Lebanon
be next?
Thirdly,
you should not neglect a consideration of the social network
among the Shiites, and their sense of solidarity. It doesn't
necessarily mean that Iran as a state will support Hizbullah.
But even if the Iranian government is clever enough not to challenge
Israel or the US at the present juncture, social networks among
the Shiites may be mobilized. Moreover, you can find a lot of
Shiite militants that are active in Iraq, and they are out of
state control even under multi-national forces. Al-Sadr and
the Iraqi Hizbullah openly announced their solidarity with the
Lebanese Hizbullah. What will happen if these Iraqi militias
join Hizbullah? Even al-Sistani, a mostly non-political religious
authority, has already issued a fatwa calling for solidarity
with the Lebanese people.
The
gap between the strong sense of solidarity among the Shiites
and the cool attitude among the Arab regimes may cause further
sectarian conflicts between Sunnis and Shiites. Shiites may
criticize Sunnis by saying that Sunnis are cowards, and Sunnis
may say Shiites were stupid to provoke Israel. This affects
Sunni-Shiite relations in Iraq, which are already bad enough.
Or, if Hizbullah fighters decide to leave Lebanon, are there
any other places for them to go than the southern part of Iraq?
Will they meddle in the current civil war together with other
Iraqi Islamist political parties?
In
the year 2001, we had one failed state and we had Bin Laden.
In 2003, we had two failed states and we had Bin Laden and Zarqawi.
If we are now going to have third failed state, then what are
we going to have next?
3)
From Kozue Kimura of the International Center for Young Scientists
on July 21, 2006:
I
am very disturbed by the deteriorating situation in the Middle
East. It is very shocking that the Christian part -- that has
nothing to do with Hizballah -- was also bombed; East Beirut,
Dora, Jounieh, the beach area of Tripoli... Lebanon is a segregated
country. When I was staying in Lebanon five years ago, I felt
strongly that in that country there was a strong hatred among
the different religious groups (Muslim, Christian, Druze, etc.)
and the different nationalities (Syrians, Lebanese, Palestinians).
The country was diverse, but quite segregated by different religions.
Therefore, Israel's attack on Christian areas of the country
came as a shock to me. I was staying both in East Beirut and
in Jounieh, and I hardly saw any women with scarves! But those
areas were attacked and have caused Christian casualities! I
cannot accept Israel's pretext for the attack on Lebanon.
I
personally think that Israel has gone too far in this war. Israel
does not look good at all in the media. Even though the leaders
of the world's largest economies might denounce Hizballah's
terrorism on the northern part of Israel, accusing it of the
beginning this new war, the images of crying Lebanese civilians
and demolished buildings in Lebanon is coming on TV and the
newspapers every day. I think that Israel is not winning this
war with the Lebanese terrorist organization in the south. On
the contrary, it is making more enemies in Lebanon, which used
to be Israel's close allies, and among Western Christians that
have been more or less supportive of Israel. Israel won't be
any safer if it continues to use a hammer to kill a small ant.
I
might sound very sympathetic with the Arab side, but I don't
negate Israel's right to existence. Israel is an undeniable
reality. There IS a Jewish state there. And I believe that Israel
can use force to defend itself as a regular country. But in
this war, I am disappointed at Israel's way of "wiping
out the Lebanese terrorists." Blowing up Lebanon's infrastructure,
demolishing Christian areas whose people don't agree with the
Muslim way: Does that help Israel?