Newsletter No. 1419
News-Analysis
July 22, 2009
COUNTDOWN ON THE LIBERAL DEMOCRATIC
PARTY
Although the Shingetsu Newsletter does not
track Japanese domestic politics as closely as some other
sites, we do take note of major political changes when they
have the potential to significantly impact the course of Japanese-Islamic
relations. As such, we cannot fail to observe that the lower
house of the Japanese Diet was dissolved yesterday, and that
general elections are now scheduled for August 30th.
That news alone would justify a Newsletter,
but in fact this is shaping up to be no ordinary Japanese
general election: There is a reasonably high probability that
this election will bring about the end of the long era of
the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in Japan. Since Japan’s
two leading conservative parties merged to form the LDP in
1955, this party has dominated the center stage of Japanese
politics like perhaps no other in the democratic world. In
54 years, the LDP was pushed out of power only for a period
of months in 1993-1994. Even in that case, however, the LDP’s
fall from power was triggered by a split in the party, not
a real defeat at the polls by an opposition party.
This time is different. Should the Democratic
Party of Japan (DPJ) do as well in the coming elections as
current public opinion polls suggest to be likely, then the
LDP will be defeated soundly in a straight fight with a single
rival for the first time. If that happens, then personally
I would not be surprised if the LDP—at least in its
current form—is never able to pick itself up from the
ground again.
In my view, the glue that holds the LDP together
is the exercise of power. Should that power be taken away
without a serious prospect of a quick recovery, then it is
quite possible that what remains of the LDP after August 30th
could come apart at the seams, and the party may break up
into several pieces. This, of course, would be a huge development
in the Japanese political world.
On the other hand, even if this scenario comes
to pass, I don’t believe that we will see too many fundamental
changes in government policies. I expect that a DPJ government
will make a few changes that I will welcome, but also that
it will not depart radically from most of the policies now
observed in Tokyo.
Also, even if the LDP disappears, most of
the names of the leaders of the current LDP that grace the
pages of the Shingetsu Newsletter will still be in the Diet,
and they will return again. Some might enter the DPJ, while
others might lead new smaller parties that eventually enter
the government as part of a coalition. I don’t expect
that the DPJ as we know it today will form a stable majority
that will last for too many years. At first, the DPJ will
probably ally themselves with the left-leaning parties in
the Diet which are their opposition colleagues today. After
a number of months or years in power, however, look for the
DPJ to cast about for more conservative allies such as New
Komeito or the smaller parties that may succeed the LDP.
Of course, the scenario that I am sketching
out here depends on a decisive DPJ victory on August 30th
that hasn’t happened yet. If Taro Aso beats the odds
and somehow manages to outperform the DPJ, then all bets are
off. In such a case, a LDP-DPJ-New Komeito grand coalition
would not be an improbable outcome.
Anyway, here’s my overall prediction:
The August 30th elections will bring about a more liberal,
Asia-oriented government than the current regime, but after
a relatively short period of some months or years, Tokyo will
move back in a conservative direction, in large part due to
underlying institutional, cultural, and political factors
in Japan.
ADDENDUM
July 29, 2009
Ahmad Rashid Malik (Shingetsu
Member No. 238) of the Islamabad Policy Research Institute
has brought to our attention the following column he recently
wrote for the Pakistani daily newspaper The Nation
(Islamabad, Lahore, and Karachi):
Political Change in Japan
By Dr Ahmad Rashid Malik
The Nation
July 27, 2009
The House of Representatives, the lower house
of the Japanese Diet (Parliament), led by the unchallenged,
traditional ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), known as
Jiminto in Japanese, was dissolved on July 21 by PM Taro Aso.
New elections will be held after 40 days; next month on August
30. Analysts believe that this time it is not going to be
a mere factional change in the Diet or an ordinary general
election as happened in the past, but it will be a substantial
political change after a very long time. So much so, many
predict that the change will bury the politics engineered
by the LDP since 1955, a distinctive feature of the Japanese
faction-ridden domestic party politics. Japan is known for
the longest one-party rule in the democratic world. The LDP
ruled Japan without facing any drastic challenge from other
political parties in its 54 years of rule, with the exception
of just a few months when it did not stay in power. The LDP's
grip over domestic politics and foreign policy issues has
never been shaken.
Now many expect that the LDP iron fist will
be over in a few days. Michael Penn, Executive Director of
the Kitakyushu-based think-tank Shingetsu Institute says that
given the present structure of the LDP, it would "never
be able to pick itself up from the ground again," as
he sees break up of the party into several pieces. Changes
may include changes in the political leadership of the nation
as well changes in US-Japan relations, particularly with regard
to both countries' cooperation on War on Terror -- but seemingly
not in an abrupt manner. Penn is optimistic "about a
more liberal, Asia-oriented government" in Japan, which
will intend to lead Asia as opposed to merely cultivating
ties with Washington.
Outside Japan and in its surrounding region,
similar feelings are emerging. The Korea Times in
its editorial on July 22 opines that the success of the Democratic
Party of Japan (DPJ), "will lead to considerable change
in Japan's politics and economy and its effects will surely
spill over to its neighbours, mainly Korea and China."
The London-based Financial Times on July 21, under
caption "New Dawn in the Land of the Rising Sun,"
predicts success for the DPJ in the coming polls. Explaining
the same changing trends, the leading Japanese newspaper Asahi
Shimbun wrote in its July 22 editorial that "it
is quite likely that Minshuto [DPJ] will come to power."
The Japan Times, in its editorial on July 23, said:
"A victory for the DPJ in the election would put an end
to the LDP's almost total control of politics since 1955."
At the moment, the DPJ has approximately a
10 percent edge over the LDP. Analysts say that the party
could easily win the elections. They are optimistic that the
party would be the likely winner on August 30. They also,
however, say that the party may not achieve a comfortable
majority in the Lower House of the Diet, so it would align
itself with several smaller leftist parties, and members broken
away from the LDP to form the government. The DPJ won the
elections of the Upper House (House of Councillors) two years
ago in July 2007. DPJ leader Yukio Hatoyama, who replaced
veteran Ichiro Ozawa in May, said: "It is time we destroy
bureaucracy-led politics that have lasted since the Meiji
Restoration and create new politics in which people play the
central role," and announced that "I would like
to take on this major fight with a historic sense of mission."
Conversely, the LDP has been facing its worst
time since its rebirth following PM Junichiro Koizumi's resignation
in September 2006. Three LDP leaders – namely, Shinzo
Abe, Yasuo Fukuda, and Aso -- could not sustain their regimes
one after the other. The latter dissolved the Lower House
after taking the office only 10 months ago from Fukuda. They
turned into unpopular prime ministers who could hardly replace
Koizumi and their political standing has been near rock bottom
within a short span of time. Aso was the third PM in only
three years after Koizumi resigned.
Abrupt government changes after Koizumi sent
a negative message to the public, which largely turned down
the LDP's foreign policy and blamed the party for not ensuring
good governance and for engineering the same old backdoor
politics. The LDP has very little to show to the voters for
its support now. People are particularly disappointed on economic
reforms and the global economic crisis, which has badly hit
Japanese industry and caused a decline in growth and exports.
The economy is running at an all-time low, i.e. over 10 percent
below its potential with an ageing and shrinking population.
This may affect Japan's stature as the second most developed
economy in the world after the US, and the biggest one in
Asia.
The LDP might face a factional split from
now. That's why political pundits have been predicting a difficult
time for the LDP. The LDP's apologies probably will not win
the hearts and minds of the voters. For them it is more than
enough. The party lost the Tokyo metropolitan elections on
July 12, 10 days before the Diet was dissolved, for the first
time in 40 years. This is a major setback, which was not less
than a rebellion-like situation unknown to the party for years.
Moreover, scandals, factionalism, nepotism, hereditary politics,
fuzzy privatization schemes, failed economic reforms, and
above-all money-politics have too long damaged the face of
the LDP.
Criticising the performance of the LDP, one
of the leading Japanese newspapers, the Mainichi
daily wrote: "Aso's decision to dissolve the Diet comes
too late" forcing the LDP "to fight in the general
election under the worst possible conditions." Therefore,
defenses that were erected against Ozawa's so-called bribery
scandal, which resulted in his resignation as opposition leader
in the Diet just a couple of months ago on May 11, 2009, could
not save the LDP in the eyes of the majority of the Japanese.
With the resignation of Ozawa, LDP chiefs and lieutenants
were seemingly optimistic about the end of the Ozawa era.
Conversely, Ozawa's exit injected a new confidence into the
rank and file of the DPJ, but the LDP's magic faded after
Koizumi's exit. Consequently, Abe, Fukuda, and Aso could not
save the sinking ship of the LDP. At this time, the LDP is
facing the most difficult crisis in its history.
America needs to re-adjust itself to the new
realism emerging in Japanese domestic politics, as it has
already emerged in US domestic politics in the shape of the
success of Barack Obama last November. Obama has the tendency
to adjust to emerging realism in world politics, such as changes
in the Middle East, Iraq, Iran, and Pakistan, for instance.
People in Pakistan voted for liberal parties in last February's
polls to get rid of militants. Iranian voters have signaled
their dislike for the old reactionary right wing party in
last month's polls. By the same token, the long honeymoon
of the United States with the LDP has to come to an end. The
leaders that ruled Japan with a strong memory of war have
gone away. A new relationship between Japan and the US is
imminent with the DPJ in the leadership seat. All this will
depend on the outcome of the most critical and 'revolutionary-like'
election results on August 30 -- and the world will be watching
how much Japan is going to be changed.
The writer is a research fellow (East
Asia) at the Islamabad Policy Research Institute (IPRI)