Newsletter
No. 378
Editorial-Opinion
September 11, 2006
FIVE
YEARS OF JAPAN AND THE “WAR ON TERRORISM”
By Michael Penn
On
the five-year anniversary of the 9.11 attacks in New York and
Washington, Japanese, like many others, are reliving the horror
of that day through repeated images shown on almost every television
channel. Stories are filling the airwaves once again about the
victims of that tragic day and the burdens that still haunt
the survivors. Although Japan did not suffer as America suffered
on September 11, 2001; nevertheless, twenty-four Japanese citizens
did perish in the World Trade Center attacks, and they are being
remembered around the country.
Very
few people deny the terrible tragedy of 9.11. Very few want
to show disrespect to the victims and the survivors who are
still suffering. But I am not one of those who believe that
the proper response to a great tragedy is to suspend criticism,
and to remain silent about serious political problems out of
concern that some of those sufferers may be offended by criticism.
For those who truly believe in democracy and want a better future
for this world, there must be a higher loyalty -- a loyalty
to the truth; a commitment to facing facts (even the unpalatable
ones) in the hope that we can avoid similar tragedies in the
future.
On
my own report card for America and Japan over the last five
years, the grade that has been earned is clear: “F.”
The
American reaction to the vicious slaughter of 9.11 was precisely
the opposite of what it should have been. Rather than acting
coolly and calmly, and reaffirming the qualities of character
that once made Americans among the most loved and respected
people around the world, we lashed out wildly, and ironically
helped the plotters of the 9.11 attacks succeed in much of their
global political agenda of polarizing the West from the Islamic
world.
At
home, professional super-patriots in the media created a political
climate of fear in which open criticism was equated with disloyalty.
Congress almost completely abdicated its constitutional responsibilities
and enabled the Bush Administration to carry out a major expansion
of executive power until it almost became a law unto itself.
Constitutional guarantees of individual rights were waived aside
as a nuisance under the pretext that observing traditional methods
would only play into the hands of “the enemy.” There
were even secret prisons and cases of official torture worthy
of any two-bit dictatorship. In short, the American response
to 9.11 at home was to hollow out more than two centuries of
democratic tradition. The framers of the US Constitution would
have been appalled.
Abroad,
the American record was even worse. Rather than focusing its
response on the people who actually planned and carried out
the attacks on the United States, the Bush Administration self-righteously
declared a global “war on terrorism” and professed
an intention to confront an “Axis of Evil” that
consisted of a grab-bag of diverse countries that were of concern
to the administration for one reason or another. By and large,
world opinion tolerated the war in Afghanistan, which seemed
to be directly linked to the World Trade Center tragedy. But
amazingly, even before the destruction of al-Qaida had been
fully accomplished, the Bush Administration turned its attention
to Saddam Husain’s Iraq which -- as is now almost universally
admitted -- had nothing to do with the 9.11 attacks.
The
story is familiar, and need not be repeated in detail here,
but the point is that America’s response to terror has
inadvertently created political conditions in which terrorism
is likely to flourish as never before. Rather than “draining
the swamp” that supports terrorism, all that the Bush
Administration managed to do was to walk itself into a quagmire.
As
for Japan, future historians will say that the 9.11 attacks
were closer to the beginning of the story than to the end. The
full effects of what is happening now in Japan will not entirely
manifest themselves for many years.
The
prelude was the Persian Gulf War of 1991, in which the Japanese
political establishment was surprised to discover that the demands
of their American allies were changing quickly in the post-Cold
War era. Earlier, the fact that Japan was peaceful in Asia,
a good financial contributor to American causes, and an excellent
role model for underdeveloped countries, was considered to be
a sufficient contribution to the alliance. Suddenly, the Americans
were demanding that Japanese soldiers serve shoulder-to-shoulder
with American troops wherever duty called around the world.
Even massive amounts of money sent to serve the American cause
were sneered at as being “checkbook diplomacy.”
Tokyo
was therefore well-primed to understand what the Americans would
demand after 9.11. Very quickly, a naval mission was sent to
the Indian Ocean, and then the GSDF were prepared for a role
in Iraq. Washington demanded “boots on the ground,”
and Tokyo was eager to supply them to the degree that Japanese
public opinion would tolerate.
But
the Bush Administration has miscalculated its response toward
Japan just as badly as it miscalculated its response toward
the Islamic world. In the Levant, the blood is already flowing
at a terrible rate. In regard to East Asia, the most serious
damage will not occur until long after the Bush Administration
itself has passed from the scene.
The
Americans somehow forgot what an earlier generation had learned
at great cost: Japan is not a “normal nation,” and
probably never will be. It is a homogenous, island nation with
a long history of suspicion and fear toward the outside world.
Japanese society prizes conformity and cooperation, and thus
has never captured the full spirit of oppositional politics
that characterizes the ideals of Euro-American democracy. Certainly,
Japan has remained remarkably peaceful since 1945, but peace
is not necessarily the same thing as a healthy, vibrant democracy
in which individuals are free to shape their own destinies.
In fact, Japan has essentially been ruled by a single political
party for fifty years, and this party is set to provide yet
another prime minister to lead the nation later this month.
How the current generation of American leaders have convinced
themselves that a re-militarized Japan would be an eternal,
docile supporter of global US policy with no nasty, political
side-effects remains a mystery -- unless one assumes that Washington
is simply too out-of-touch to understand the realities of the
world anymore.
At
any rate, even today the miniscule Japanese Left remembers why
Article Nine was supported by most Japanese for many decades:
It was primarily to protect Japan from itself. In a culture
of conformity there need to be strong institutional checks on
the authority of the government to prevent the kind of runaway
nationalism, militarism, and madness that characterized Imperial
Japan in the 1930s.
But
the younger generation is too apolitical to even care anymore,
and the rise of a rightwing ideologue like Shinzo Abe to the
premiership, without even any serious political opposition,
is itself eloquent testimony to the enduring weaknesses of the
democratic political culture of Japan. The point of no return
will soon be crossed -- if it hasn’t been crossed already.
The
Bush Administration’s “war on terrorism” has
played a key role in all of this. Whatever this slogan may mean
to the American public, in Japan it will be interpreted through
distinctly Japanese lenses. For Tokyo, anti-terrorism will easily
blend into anti-foreignism. A confrontation with parts of the
Islamic world will easily become a Japan-China confrontation.
Once the rightwing juices begin flowing, hardline responses
to a whole variety of issues will become the norm in Tokyo.
Even in the best of times, ordinary Japanese are reluctant to
go against the grain and speak out about the abuses of power.
Once the Right is firmly in the saddle, a subtle process of
intimidation will quickly narrow the scope of allowable political
debate in the public arena. The first clear signs of this have
already appeared.
Of
course, in logic, there is a fallacy known as the “slippery
slope,” in which one bad action is seen, unreasonably,
as leading to a whole chain of negative consequences, and finally
disaster. The argument that I have just sketched out will be
considered to be just such a slippery slope argument by some.
So be it. What I can say in my defense is that many thoughtful
Japanese of my acquaintance have themselves made arguments to
me in private along these same lines. At least one of my Japanese
colleagues already receives anonymous threats from rightwing
groups for speaking out on Islamic issues.
Indeed,
just last month a major terrorist event took place in Japan.
A prominent politician had his family home burned down on August
15th, which could have led to the death of his elderly mother.
The terrorist was motivated by a desire to silence this politician
for his stance on public, political issues. Had the terrorist
been a foreign Muslim targeting a conservative politician, there
would have been a wild howl from the Japanese political world
demanding a crackdown on foreign radicals and criminals. The
reality, however, is that the terrorist in question was a rightwing
Japanese activist, and his target was Koichi Kato, a critic
of Koizumi’s visits to Yasukuni Shrine. It took many days
and much prompting from the press until the first official condemnation
of the terrorist act finally appeared. The response to an act
of political violence by a Muslim would not have come in so
casual a fashion. This whole episode reveals in itself the political
trend of the times.
Even
“terrorism” itself has no entirely agreed-upon definition
-- even though it is the “enemy” we are all supposed
to be fighting. Fear and terror may be the weapon of choice
for radical groups like al-Qaida; but neither in America nor
in Japan have political leaders always refrained in the past
from using fear and even terror when it has suited their own
political purposes.
If
al-Qaida attacked America, then just go after al-Qaida, and
leave it at that. The sweeping language about global war will
only serve to spread war globally. The quest for perfect national
security can only lead to the perfect insecurity of the individual
vis-a-vis state power. The “war on terrorism” has
been nonsense from the start, and will only lead to more violence
and mayhem, and further restrictions on the individual’s
right to engage in democratic debate.
Today,
the real enemy is “us” as much as it is “them.”