Newsletter
No. 736
News-Analysis
September 13, 2007
ABE
RESIGNATION IMPACTS THE FUTURE OF THE MSDF INDIAN
OCEAN MISSION
Prime
Minister Shinzo Abe’s resignation at this time
may or may not be directly related to his efforts
to extend the MSDF Indian Ocean mission beyond
its current November 1st deadline. However, there
is little doubt that his sudden departure complicates
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) efforts to keep
the MSDF in place.
One
of the main issues is timing. The LDP had been
hoping to rush through either an extension of
the current law, or even to pass an entirely new
bill, as soon as possible. The LDP dominates the
more powerful House of Representatives, but is
practically assured defeat in the Democratic Party
of Japan (DPJ)-led House of Councillors. The result
is that the opposition DPJ can currently delay
the government for a couple of months, but cannot
entirely stop the LDP from overriding them if
the ruling party is totally united and in earnest.
These are interesting times because the conclusions
are far from certain at present.
Abe’s
resignation is at a minimum going to slow down
the ruling LDP in getting the legal framework
in place, which means that the Japanese warships
will probably have to be at least temporarily
withdrawn so long as Ichiro Ozawa and the DPJ
remain adamant in their opposition to the mission.
It may prove to be even more complicated than
that for the LDP leadership.
Meanwhile,
just an hour or two before Abe announced his resignation,
US Ambassador Thomas Schieffer launched another
blast demanding obedience from Tokyo. After meeting
privately with Chief Cabinet Secretary Kaoru Yosano
and Foreign Minister Nobutaka Machimura, Schieffer
told reporters: “The work that's going on in the
Indian Ocean is an international effort to defeat
terrorism… I hope that the people of Japan will
realize that this measure is important not only
to the United States but to the whole international
community.”
I
won’t repeat here what I have already said about
Ambassador Schieffer’s incessant interference
in internal Japanese policymaking, but I will
note two new points. First of all, a question:
Did Schieffer’s meeting yesterday morning have
anything to do with Abe’s announcement of his
resignation an hour or two later? Second, whether
or not Schieffer played a role in it, he obviously
would not have spoken to reporters in the way
that he did if he had any perception that Abe
was about to resign. This is yet another signal
of the basic incompetence of American diplomacy;
yet another misread situation. It all goes to
show that superior brute power does not necessarily
indicate superior mental agility.
The
Issue of Pakistani Warships
The
Asahi Shinbun is to be congratulated for
reporting on the following story. They reveal
that Admiral Eiji Yoshikawa, chief of staff of
the MSDF, told reporters that it is indeed possible
that ships other than Japanese warships could
“in principle” refuel Pakistani ships in the Indian
Ocean. Up until this point both the Japanese government
and the US embassy have been suggesting that only
Japan has the capability to refuel Pakistani warships
and keep them in the Indian Ocean coalition.
From
the point of view of simple logic, it seems odd
that Pakistan would have warships that can only
be refueled by the Japanese MSDF, but this is
precisely what the government has been suggesting.
The Asahi report may put this odd notion to rest.
But
one other interesting tidbit in the Asahi article
was that a former defense minister (Koike? Kyuma?)
told reporters that “the United States wants the
MSDF's refueling operations to continue because
Japan is providing the fuel for free and because
the Pakistani government will face domestic criticism
if the Islamic nation receives U.S. fuel.”
Ahh!
Now that sounds much more plausible.
But
I also think that this demonstrates clearly why
it is important that Japan keep distance from
American policies in the Islamic world. If Tokyo
continues doing the bidding of Washington (as
they certainly have in recent years), then the
Japanese “advantage” in this respect will gradually
be depleted and they may become almost as hated
for their interventions in the region as is the
United States. Despite what conservatives on both
sides of the Pacific keep asserting, the United
States does not represent the entire “international
community.” Japanese leaders would be well advised
to start acknowledging that fact and adjusting
their foreign policies accordingly.
In
addition to their fine reporting above, the Asahi
Shinbun also produced a solid editorial yesterday.
THE
LDP’S NEW ANTITERRORISM BILL
On
the divisive issue of whether the Maritime Self-Defense
Force should continue its refueling mission in
the Indian Ocean, the government and the ruling
coalition have come up with a most preposterous
proposal for a new bill.
The
current anti-terrorism special measures law, which
enables the MSDF mission, is due to expire on
Nov. 1. The proposal calls for the creation of
a new law that will provide legal grounds for
the continuation of the mission after the current
law expires.
The
bill aims to do away with the provision of the
existing law that requires Diet approval for all
SDF activities after they have been set in motion.
The
anti-terrorism special measures law provides the
basic framework for SDF missions abroad. When
an actual mission is being considered, its specific
action and area of operation are spelled out in
a basic plan drawn up by the government and approved
by the Cabinet. The SDF acts in accordance with
this basic plan. Under the current law, the prime
minister is required to present the plan to the
Diet for approval within twenty days of the start
of the SDF mission. Because any such mission entails
the deployment of militarily trained and armed
personnel, it is only natural that it should involve
carefully orchestrated steps. This is in keeping
with the fundamental principle of the Constitution
that bans the exercise of armed force overseas.
The
Diet's approval is needed to deploy the SDF because
this is crucial to the principle of civilian control.
Should the Diet withhold approval, the SDF must
abandon its mission.
Although
opinion has remained split on whether the Diet's
consent should be obtained before or after the
start of the mission, there has never been any
doubt about the necessity of Diet approval for
an SDF mission plan.
So
why is this most important step being eliminated
from the new law? The government and the ruling
coalition argue that the bill in question is a
simple one that deals only with the MSDF's refueling
mission. They say the legislation can easily be
written with provisions for specific activities
that would be similar with any basic plan of this
nature drawn up by the government. They also say
the passing of this bill will be tantamount to
getting the green light from the Diet, which in
turn means this will not run counter to the principle
of civilian control.
But
we cannot possibly accept this argument. The ulterior
motive of the government and the coalition is
all too clear. They must be thinking that the
bill itself will most likely be rejected by the
opposition-led Upper House, but by reintroducing
it to the Lower House, it will be passed into
law with a two-thirds majority. However, if the
Diet's approval must be obtained, the Upper House's
objection will automatically force the MSDF withdrawal
from the Indian Ocean. Therefore, for the government
and the ruling coalition, the process of seeking
Diet approval must be eliminated.
It
would be unconscionable to deploy the SDF abroad
on such shoddy reasoning. The last thing we need
now is to set the wrong precedent of letting the
Lower House become the sole decision maker on
the SDF deployment. This will erode the very foundations
of our democracy. Having learned its lesson from
the ruin brought upon the nation by the unbridled
military, post-World War II Japan has kept the
SDF's activities under strict control. The Diet
must always keep close tabs on the SDF, and this
is crucial to the principle of civilian control.
This principle must never be tampered with, regardless
of whether the MSDF should continue or abandon
its mission.
The
government and the coalition may be thinking
of using the Diet approval issue as a bargaining
chip in their negotiations with opposition parties
on the SDF deployment abroad. But they should
know that if they are set on bending the principle
of civilian control, they are not qualified
to start any discussion.
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